Прощание обамы. Перевод "выступление барака обамы" на английский Речь барака обамы на английском

Barack Obama"s victory speech – full text

US president addresses supporters in Chicago after decisively winning a second term

At a rally on Wednesday in his hometown of Chicago, Barack Obama delivers a victory speech Link to this video

Thank you. Thank you. Thank you so much. (Sustained cheers, applause.)

Tonight, more than 200 years after a former colony won the right to determine its own destiny, the task of perfecting our union moves forward . (Cheers, applause.)

It moves forward because of you. It moves forward because you reaffirmed the spirit that has triumphed over war and depression, the spirit that has lifted this country from the depths of despair to the great heights of hope, the belief that while each of us will pursue our own individual dreams, we are an American family, and we rise or fall together as one nation and as one people. (Cheers, applause.)

Tonight, in this election, you, the American people, reminded us that while our road has been hard, while our journey has been long, we have picked ourselves up, we have fought our way back, and we know in our hearts that for the United States of America, the best is yet to come.

(Cheers, applause.) I want to thank every American who participated in this election. (Cheers, applause.) Whether you voted for the very first time (cheers) or waited in line for a very long time (cheers) – by the way, we have to fix that – (cheers, applause) – whether you pounded the pavement or picked up the phone (cheers, applause), whether you held an Obama sign or a Romney sign, you made your voice heard and you made a difference. (Cheers, applause.)

I just spoke with Governor Romney and I congratulated him and Paul Ryan on a hard-fought campaign. (Cheers, applause.) We may have battled fiercely, but it"s only because we love this country deeply and we care so strongly about its future. From George to Lenore to their son Mitt, the Romney family has chosen to give back to America through public service. And that is a legacy that we honour and applaud tonight. (Cheers, applause.) In the weeks ahead, I also look forward to sitting down with Governor Romney to talk about where we can work together to move this country forward.

(Cheers, applause.)

I want to thank my friend and partner of the last four years, America"s happy warrior, the best vice-president anybody could ever hope for, Joe Biden. (Cheers, applause.)

And I wouldn"t be the man I am today without the woman who agreed to marry me 20 years ago. (Cheers, applause.) Let me say this publicly. Michelle, I have never loved you more. (Cheers, applause.) I have never been prouder to watch the rest of America fall in love with you too as our nation"s first lady. (Cheers, applause.)

Sasha and Malia – (cheers, applause) – before our very eyes, you"re growing up to become two strong, smart, beautiful young women, just like your mom. (Cheers, applause.) And I am so proud of you guys. But I will say that, for now, one dog"s probably enough. (Laughter.)

To the best campaign team and volunteers in the history of politics – (cheers, applause) – the best – the best ever – (cheers, applause) – some of you were new this time around, and some of you have been at my side since the very beginning.

(Cheers, applause.) But all of you are family. No matter what you do or where you go from here, you will carry the memory of the history we made together. (Cheers, applause.) And you will have the lifelong appreciation of a grateful president. Thank you for believing all the way – (cheers, applause) – to every hill, to every valley. (Cheers, applause.) You lifted me up the whole day, and I will always be grateful for everything that you"ve done and all the incredible work that you"ve put in. (Cheers, applause.)

I know that political campaigns can sometimes seem small, even silly. And that provides plenty of fodder for the cynics who tell us that politics is nothing more than a contest of egos or the domain of special interests. But if you ever get the chance to talk to folks who turned out at our rallies and crowded along a rope line in a high school gym or – or saw folks working late at a campaign office in some tiny county far away from home, you"ll discover something else.

You"ll hear the determination in the voice of a young field organiser who"s working his way through college and wants to make sure every child has that same opportunity. (Cheers, applause.) You"ll hear the pride in the voice of a volunteer who"s going door to door because her brother was finally hired when the local auto plant added another shift. (Cheers, applause.)

You"ll hear the deep patriotism in the voice of a military spouse who"s working the phones late at night to make sure that no one who fights for this country ever has to fight for a job or a roof over their head when they come home. (Cheers, applause.)

That"s why we do this. That"s what politics can be. That"s why elections matter. It"s not small, it"s big. It"s important. Democracy in a nation of 300 million can be noisy and messy and complicated. We have our own opinions. Each of us has deeply held beliefs. And when we go through tough times, when we make big decisions as a country, it necessarily stirs passions, stirs up controversy. That won"t change after tonight. And it shouldn"t. These arguments we have are a mark of our liberty, and we can never forget that as we speak, people in distant nations are risking their lives right now just for a chance to argue about the issues that matter – (cheers, applause) – the chance to cast their ballots like we did today.

But despite all our differences, most of us share certain hopes for America"s future.

We want our kids to grow up in a country where they have access to the best schools and the best teachers – (cheers, applause) – a country that lives up to its legacy as the global leader in technology and discovery and innovation – (scattered cheers, applause) – with all of the good jobs and new businesses that follow.

We want our children to live in an America that isn"t burdened by debt, that isn"t weakened up by inequality, that isn"t threatened by the destructive power of a warming planet. (Cheers, applause.)

We want to pass on a country that"s safe and respected and admired around the world, a nation that is defended by the strongest military on Earth and the best troops this – this world has ever known – (cheers, applause) – but also a country that moves with confidence beyond this time of war to shape a peace that is built on the promise of freedom and dignity for every human being.

We believe in a generous America, in a compassionate America, in a tolerant America open to the dreams of an immigrant"s daughter who studies in our schools and pledges to our flag – (cheers, applause) – to the young boy on the south side of Chicago who sees a life beyond the nearest street corner – (cheers, applause) – to the furniture worker"s child in North Carolina who wants to become a doctor or a scientist, an engineer or an entrepreneur, a diplomat or even a president.

That"s the – (cheers, applause) – that"s the future we hope for.

(Cheers, applause.) That"s the vision we share. That"s where we need to go – forward. (Cheers, applause.) That"s where we need to go. (Cheers, applause.)

Now, we will disagree, sometimes fiercely, about how to get there. As it has for more than two centuries, progress will come in fits and starts. It"s not always a straight line. It"s not always a smooth path. By itself, the recognition that we have common hopes and dreams won"t end all the gridlock, resolve all our problems or substitute for the painstaking work of building consensus and making the difficult compromises needed to move this country forward.

But that common bond is where we must begin. Our economy is recovering. A decade of war is ending. (Cheers, applause.) A long campaign is now over. (Cheers, applause.) And whether I earned your vote or not, I have listened to you. I have learned from you. And you"ve made me a better president. And with your stories and your struggles, I return to the White House more determined and more inspired than ever about the work there is to do and the future that lies ahead. (Cheers, applause.)

Tonight you voted for action, not politics as usual. (Cheers, applause.) You elected us to focus on your jobs, not ours.

And in the coming weeks and months, I am looking forward to reaching out and working with leaders of both parties to meet the challenges we can only solve together – reducing our deficit, reforming our tax code, fixing our immigration system, freeing ourselves from foreign oil. We"ve got more work to do. (Cheers, applause.)

But that doesn"t mean your work is done. The role of citizens in our democracy does not end with your vote. America"s never been about what can be done for us; it"s about what can be done by us together, through the hard and frustrating but necessary work of self-government. (Cheers, applause.) That"s the principle we were founded on.

This country has more wealth than any nation, but that"s not what makes us rich. We have the most powerful military in history, but that"s not what makes us strong. Our university, our culture are all the envy of the world, but that"s not what keeps the world coming to our shores. What makes America exceptional are the bonds that hold together the most diverse nation on Earth, the belief that our destiny is shared – (cheers, applause) – that this country only works when we accept certain obligations to one another and to future generations, so that the freedom which so many Americans have fought for and died for come with responsibilities as well as rights, and among those are love and charity and duty and patriotism. That"s what makes America great. (Cheers, applause.)

I am hopeful tonight because I have seen this spirit at work in America. I"ve seen it in the family business whose owners would rather cut their own pay than lay off their neighbours and in the workers who would rather cut back their hours than see a friend lose a job. I"ve seen it in the soldiers who re-enlist after losing a limb and in those Seals who charged up the stairs into darkness and danger because they knew there was a buddy behind them watching their back. (Cheers, applause.) I"ve seen it on the shores of New Jersey and New York, where leaders from every party and level of government have swept aside their differences to help a community rebuild from the wreckage of a terrible storm. (Cheers, applause.)

And I saw it just the other day in Mentor, Ohio, where a father told the story of his eight-year-old daughter whose long battle with leukaemia nearly cost their family everything had it not been for healthcare reform passing just a few months before the insurance company was about to stop paying for her care. (Cheers, applause.) I had an opportunity to not just talk to the father but meet this incredible daughter of his. And when he spoke to the crowd, listening to that father"s story, every parent in that room had tears in their eyes because we knew that little girl could be our own.

And I know that every American wants her future to be just as bright. That"s who we are. That"s the country I"m so proud to lead as your president. (Cheers, applause.)

And tonight, despite all the hardship we"ve been through, despite all the frustrations of Washington, I"ve never been more hopeful about our future. (Cheers, applause.) I have never been more hopeful about America. And I ask you to sustain that hope.

I"m not talking about blind optimism, the kind of hope that just ignores the enormity of the tasks ahead or the road blocks that stand in our path. I"m not talking about the wishful idealism that allows us to just sit on the sidelines or shirk from a fight. I have always believed that hope is that stubborn thing inside us that insists, despite all the evidence to the contrary, that something better awaits us so long as we have the courage to keep reaching, to keep working, to keep fighting. (Cheers, applause.)

America, I believe we can build on the progress we"ve made and continue to fight for new jobs and new opportunities and new security for the middle class. I believe we can keep the promise of our founding, the idea that if you"re willing to work hard, it doesn"t matter who you are or where you come from or what you look like or where you love. It doesn"t matter whether you"re black or white or Hispanic or Asian or Native American or young or old or rich or poor, abled, disabled, gay or straight. (Cheers, applause.) You can make it here in America if you"re willing to try.

(Cheers, applause.)

I believe we can seize this future together because we are not as divided as our politics suggests. We"re not as cynical as the pundits believe. We are greater than the sum of our individual ambitions and we remain more than a collection of red states and blue states. We are, and forever will be, the United States of America. (Cheers, applause.)

And together, with your help and God"s grace, we will continue our journey forward and remind the world just why it is that we live in the greatest nation on earth. (Cheers, applause.) Thank you, America. (Cheers, applause.) God bless you. God bless these United States. (Cheers, applause.)

Последнее видео Барака Обамы, которое он записал в качестве действующего президента США. «То, что я понял за время своего срока, это то, что изменения возможны»,- говорит он простым американцам в последние дни работы в Белом доме.

В 2004 году на съезде Демократической партии Барак Обама, тогда еще сенатор, кандидат от штата Иллинойс, выступил с речью о своих кенийских корнях. Тогда и впоследствии Обама всегда выступал без телесуфлера.

Речь о надеждах

«Позвольте мне выразить глубочайшую благодарность за возможность выступить на этом съезде. Это особенная честь для меня, потому что - давайте будем откровенными - мое присутствие на этой сцене сегодня вечером было маловероятным. Мой отец был иностранным студентом; он родился и вырос в маленькой деревеньке в Кении. Он рос так: пас коз, ходил в школу, которая располагалась в маленькой лачужке. Его отец, мой дед, был поваром, прислуживал в британской семье. Мой дед жил мечтой для своего сына. Благодаря упорному труду и настойчивости мой отец получил стипендию на обучение в волшебном месте - в Америке, (стране), которая стала маяком свободы и возможностей для тех многих, кто сделал этот шаг до него», - так начал свою речь будущий президент США.

В этом обращении Барак Обама показал, что несмотря на то, что вся его личная история сегодня выглядит «маловероятной», Демократическая партия США сделала многое для того, чтобы наследие нации сохранилось, и для того, чтобы у каждого в этой стране были огромные возможности.

«Мои родители дали мне африканское имя Барак - „благословенный“ - полагая, что в толерантной Америке имя не может стать препятствием на пути к успеху. Они представляли, что я хожу в лучшую школу на земле, несмотря на то, что они не были богаты, потому что в щедрой Америке вам не нужно иметь богатств для того, чтобы достичь своего. Моих родителей сегодня уже нет в живых, но я знаю, что они смотрят на меня сверху с большой гордостью. Они сегодня вместе со мной, а я в этот вечер благодарен за разнообразие моего наследия и за то, что их мечты сегодня живут в моих дочерях. Я стою сегодня здесь и понимаю, что моя личная история является частью большой истории Америки».

Речь о расовом неравенстве

В 2008 году Барак Обама произнес речь о проблеме расизма в стране. «Понимание реальности требует постоянного напоминания о том, как мы пришли сегодня к этому. Уильям Фолкнер однажды написал: „Прошлое не умерло, и оно не погребено. И на самом деле это не прошлое“». Обама напомнил о расовом неравенстве, которое существовало в США до недавнего времени, и о том, что не все проблемы были разрешены на тот момент. В США до 2016 года существовали раздельные школы для белых и темнокожих детей.

Эксперты утверждают, что Обама был прекрасным оратором. Его речи были яркими, всегда эмоциональными и крайне пронзительными. «Я не знаю больше ни одного президента, который бы так работал над своими речами, - рассказывает Дуглас Бринклей, американский историк. - Он всегда думает с бумагой и карандашом».

Речь на вручении Нобелевской премии мира

В 2009 году президенту США - страны, которая прошла через войны в Ираке и Афганистане - вручили престижную премию. Награждение Обамы вызывало неоднозначные реакции в мире.

«У меня нет решения для войн, - заявил Обама, - (…) но мы должны дойти до нового понимания понятия „справедливой войны“ и понять важность „справедливого мира“».

Сам президент США отметил в своем выступлении, что его достижения не походят на достижения Нельсона Манделы и других лидеров, которые ранее были удостоены этой награды.

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«Мы должны признать горькую правду: мы не искореним насильственные конфликты в обозримом будущем. Придет время, когда страны - действуя по одиночке или в составе коалиций - придут к пониманию того, что применение силы не только необходимо, но даже оправдано. Я помню, что сказал Мартин Лютер Кинг, когда ему вручали Нобелевскую премию мира: „Постоянного мира нельзя добиться насилием. Оно не решит наши проблемы: с насилием проблем у нас станет больше“».

Обама заявил, что будучи верховным главнокомандующим, он не сможет опираться на достижения и приемы Мартина Лютера Кинга и Махатмы Ганди. «Я вижу мир таким, как он есть, и я неравнодушен перед лицом опасности, которая грозит нашему народу. Зло - реально. Переговорами не добиться того, чтобы Аль-Каида сложила оружие».

Песня в день рождения дочери и страны

«Так случилось, что мы отмечаем день рождения нашей страны в день рождения моей старшей дочерии Малии», - заявил президент США и спел Happy Birthday!

Заявление о том, что США убили бен Ладена

В марте 2011 года президент США вышел с заявлением к «стране и миру», что «США провели операцию, в ходе которой был убит Усама бен Ладен, лидер Аль-Каиды, террорист, который несет ответственность за убийство тысяч ни в чем неповинных мужчин, женщин и детей».

Слезы после трагедии в Ньютауне

Мир видел не только, как президент выступал с пронзительными речами, но и как он не смог удержать слез после того, как в декабре 2012 года в начальной школе Сэнди Хук были убиты 20 детей. Президент Обама заявил тогда, что хочет усилить контроль за ношением огнестрельного оружия, однако Конгресс США тогда эту инициативу заблокировал.

Обама не только поет

Президент США Барак Обама не только поет, но и хорошо танцует. После того, как с Кубы были сняты все санкции, Обама стал первым президентом, который ступил на кубинскую землю за почти девять десятков лет.

Обама сделал свое дело! Не 200 тысяч слушателей, как пять лет назад, а всего 4 000, без «крылатых» фраз, зато «на злобу дня», немного о России… Президент США выступил перед Бранденбургскими воротами — без блеска, но добротно. Саммари на русском, текст речи Барака Обамы на английском и видео вы можете найти ниже.

Что Обама сказал Берлину

Речь у Бранденбургских ворот длилась примерно тридцать минут. Обама то вспоминал о заслугах «приютившего» его города и его жителей, то цитировал великого немца Канта, отдал должное Marschall-Plan, мятежу рабочих в Германской демократической республике (17.06.1953), событиям «лихих восьмидесятых-девяностых».

— Защита окружающей среды, которая «напоминает» о себе всё чаще.
— Ещё активнее следует решать проблемы голодающих и людей, находящихся за чертой бедности.
— «Фобиям» — бой! В том числе отсутствию толерантности по отношению к ЛГБТ-сообществу.
— Не обошел Барак Обама и «российскую» тему . Повод вспомнить нашу страну, правда, был «безобидным». Президент США предложил начать новые переговоры — по дальнейшему снижению наступательного потенциала обеих сторон. Америка и её союзники преспокойно обойдутся без 1/3 своих боеголовок. На новых переговорах будет обсуждаться утилизация тактического ядерного оружия РФ и США.

Для тех, кто понимает

… мы предлагаем текст выступления Барака Обамы на английском языке. В конце материала — видеоролик речи Обамы у Бранденбургских ворот:

Hello, Berlin! (Applause.) Thank you, Chancellor Merkel, for your leadership, your friendship, and the example of your life - from a child of the East to the leader of a free and united Germany. As I\’ve said, Angela and I don\’t exactly look like previous German and American leaders. But the fact that we can stand here today, along the fault line where a city was divided, speaks to an eternal truth: No wall can stand against the yearning of justice, the yearnings for freedom, the yearnings for peace that burns in the human heart. (Applause.)

Mayor Wowereit, distinguished guests, and especially the people of Berlin and of Germany - thank you for this extraordinarily warm welcome. In fact, it\’s so warm and I feel so good that I\’m actually going to take off my jacket, and anybody else who wants to, feel free to. (Applause.) We can be a little more informal among friends. (Applause.)

As your Chancellor mentioned, five years ago I had the privilege to address this city as senator. Today, I\’m proud to return as President of the United States. (Applause.) And I bring with me the enduring friendship of the American people, as well as my wife, Michelle, and Malia and Sasha. (Applause.) You may notice that they\’re not here. The last thing they want to do is to listen to another speech from me. (Laughter.) So they\’re out experiencing the beauty and the history of Berlin. And this history speaks to us today.

Here, for thousands of years, the people of this land have journeyed from tribe to principality to nation-state; through Reformation and Enlightenment, renowned as a «land of poets and thinkers», among them Immanuel Kant, who taught us that freedom is the «unoriginated birthright of man, and it belongs to him by force of his humanity.»

Here, for two centuries, this gate stood tall as the world around it convulsed - through the rise and fall of empires; through revolutions and republics; art and music and science that reflected the height of human endeavor, but also war and carnage that exposed the depths of man\’s cruelty to man.

It was here that Berliners carved out an island of democracy against the greatest of odds. As has already been mentioned, they were supported by an airlift of hope, and we are so honored to be joined by Colonel Halvorsen, 92 years old - the original «candy bomber.» We could not be prouder of him. (Applause.) I hope I look that good, by the way, when I\’m 92. (Laughter.)

During that time, a Marshall Plan seeded a miracle, and a North Atlantic Alliance protected our people. And those in the neighborhoods and nations to the East drew strength from the knowledge that freedom was possible here, in Berlin - that the waves of crackdowns and suppressions might therefore someday be overcome.

Today, 60 years after they rose up against oppression, we remember the East German heroes of June 17th. When the wall finally came down, it was their dreams that were fulfilled. Their strength and their passion, their enduring example remind us that for all the power of militaries, for all the authority of governments, it is citizens who choose whether to be defined by a wall, or whether to tear it down. (Applause.)

And we¹re now surrounded by the symbols of a Germany reborn. A rebuilt Reichstag and its glistening glass dome. An American embassy back at its historic home on Pariser Platz. (Applause.) And this square itself, once a desolate no man\’s land, is now open to all. So while I am not the first American President to come to this gate, I am proud to stand on its Eastern side to pay tribute to the past. (Applause.)

For throughout all this history, the fate of this city came down to a simple question: Will we live free or in chains? Under governments that uphold our universal rights, or regimes that suppress them? In open societies that respect the sanctity of the individual and our free will, or in closed societies that suffocate the soul?

As free peoples, we stated our convictions long ago. As Americans, we believe that «all men are created equal» with the right to life and liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. And as Germans, you declared in your Basic Law that «the dignity of man is inviolable.» (Applause.)

Around the world, nations have pledged themselves to a Universal Declaration of Human Rights, which recognizes the inherent dignity and rights of all members of our human family.

And this is what was at stake here in Berlin all those years. And because courageous crowds climbed atop that wall, because corrupt dictatorships gave way to new democracies, because millions across this continent now breathe the fresh air of freedom, we can say, here in Berlin, here in Europe - our values won. Openness won. Tolerance won. And freedom won here in Berlin. (Applause.)

And yet, more than two decades after that triumph, we must acknowledge that there can, at times, be a complacency among our Western democracies. Today, people often come together in places like this to remember history - not to make it. After all, we face no concrete walls, no barbed wire. There are no tanks poised across a border. There are no visits to fallout shelters. And so sometimes there can be a sense that the great challenges have somehow passed. And that brings with it a temptation to turn inward - to think of our own pursuits, and not the sweep of history; to believe that we\’ve settled history\’s accounts, that we can simply enjoy the fruits won by our forebears.

But I come here today, Berlin, to say complacency is not the character of great nations. Today\’s threats are not as stark as they were half a century ago, but the struggle for freedom and security and human dignity - that struggle goes on. And I\’ve come here, to this city of hope, because the tests of our time demand the same fighting spirit that defined Berlin a half-century ago.

Chancellor Merkel mentioned that we mark the anniversary of President John F. Kennedy\’s stirring defense of freedom, embodied in the people of this great city. His pledge of solidarity - «Ich bin ein Berliner» - (applause) - echoes through the ages. But that\’s not all that he said that day. Less remembered is the challenge that he issued to the crowd before him: «Let me ask you», he said to those Berliners, «let me ask you to lift your eyes beyond the dangers of today» and «beyond the freedom of merely this city.» Look, he said, «to the day of peace with justice, beyond yourselves and ourselves to all mankind.»

President Kennedy was taken from us less than six months after he spoke those words. And like so many who died in those decades of division, he did not live to see Berlin united and free. Instead, he lives forever as a young man in our memory. But his words are timeless because they call upon us to care more about things than just our own self-comfort, about our own city, about our own country. They demand that we embrace the common endeavor of all humanity.

And if we lift our eyes, as President Kennedy called us to do, then we\’ll recognize that our work is not yet done. For we are not only citizens of America or Germany - we are also citizens of the world. And our fates and fortunes are linked like never before.

We may no longer live in fear of global annihilation, but so long as nuclear weapons exist, we are not truly safe. (Applause.) We may strike blows against terrorist networks, but if we ignore the instability and intolerance that fuels extremism, our own freedom will eventually be endangered. We may enjoy a standard of living that is the envy of the world, but so long as hundreds of millions endure the agony of an empty stomach or the anguish of unemployment, we\’re not truly prosperous. (Applause.)

I say all this here, in the heart of Europe, because our shared past shows that none of these challenges can be met unless we see ourselves as part of something bigger than our own experience. Our alliance is the foundation of global security. Our trade and our commerce is the engine of our global economy. Our values call upon us to care about the lives of people we will never meet. When Europe and America lead with our hopes instead of our fears, we do things that no other nations can do, no other nations will do. So we have to lift up our eyes today and consider the day of peace with justice that our generation wants for this world.

I\’d suggest that peace with justice begins with the example we set here at home, for we know from our own histories that intolerance breeds injustice. Whether it\’s based on race, or religion, gender or sexual orientation, we are stronger when all our people - no matter who they are or what they look like - are granted opportunity, and when our wives and our daughters have the same opportunities as our husbands and our sons. (Applause.)

When we respect the faiths practiced in our churches and synagogues, our mosques and our temples, we\’re more secure. When we welcome the immigrant with his talents or her dreams, we are renewed. (Applause.) When we stand up for our gay and lesbian brothers and sisters and treat their love and their rights equally under the law, we defend our own liberty as well. We are more free when all people can pursue their own happiness. (Applause.)

And as long as walls exist in our hearts to separate us from those who don¹t look like us, or think like us, or worship as we do, then we\’re going to have to work harder, together, to bring those walls of division down.

Peace with justice means free enterprise that unleashes the talents and creativity that reside in each of us; in other models, direct economic growth from the top down or relies solely on the resources extracted from the earth. But we believe that real prosperity comes from our most precious resource - our people. And that\’s why we choose to invest in education, and science and research. (Applause.)

And now, as we emerge from recession, we must not avert our eyes from the insult of widening inequality, or the pain of youth who are unemployed. We have to build new ladders of opportunity in our own societies that - even as we pursue new trade and investment that fuels growth across the Atlantic.

America will stand with Europe as you strengthen your union. And we want to work with you to make sure that every person can enjoy the dignity that comes from work - whether they live in Chicago or Cleveland or Belfast or Berlin, in Athens or Madrid, everybody deserves opportunity. We have to have economies that are working for all people, not just those at the very top. (Applause.)

Peace with justice means extending a hand to those who reach for freedom, wherever they live. Different peoples and cultures will follow their own path, but we must reject the lie that those who live in distant places don\’t yearn for freedom and self-determination just like we do; that they don¹t somehow yearn for dignity and rule of law just like we do. We cannot dictate the pace of change in places like the Arab world, but we must reject the excuse that we can do nothing to support it. (Applause.)

We cannot shrink from our role of advancing the values we believe in - whether it\’s supporting Afghans as they take responsibility for their future, or working for an Israeli-Palestinian peace - (applause) - or engaging as we\’ve done in Burma to help create space for brave people to emerge from decades of dictatorship. In this century, these are the citizens who long to join the free world. They are who you were. They deserve our support, for they too, in their own way, are citizens of Berlin. And we have to help them every day. (Applause.)

Peace with justice means pursuing the security of a world without nuclear weapons - no matter how distant that dream may be. And so, as President, I\’ve strengthened our efforts to stop the spread of nuclear weapons, and reduced the number and role of America¹s nuclear weapons. Because of the New START Treaty, we¹re on track to cut American and Russian deployed nuclear warheads to their lowest levels since the 1950s. (Applause.)

But we have more work to do. So today, I\’m announcing additional steps forward. After a comprehensive review, I\’ve determined that we can ensure the security of America and our allies, and maintain a strong and credible strategic deterrent, while reducing our deployed strategic nuclear weapons by up to one-third. And I intend to seek negotiated cuts with Russia to move beyond Cold War nuclear postures. (Applause.)

At the same time, we¹ll work with our NATO allies to seek bold reductions in U.S. and Russian tactical weapons in Europe. And we can forge a new international framework for peaceful nuclear power, and reject the nuclear weaponization that North Korea and Iran may be seeking.

America will host a summit in 2016 to continue our efforts to secure nuclear materials around the world, and we will work to build support in the United States to ratify the Comprehensive Nuclear Test Ban Treaty, and call on all nations to begin negotiations on a treaty that ends the production of fissile materials for nuclear weapons. These are steps we can take to create a world of peace with justice. (Applause.)

Peace with justice means refusing to condemn our children to a harsher, less hospitable planet. The effort to slow climate change requires bold action. And on this, Germany and Europe have led. In the United States, we have recently doubled our renewable energy from clean sources like wind and solar power. We\’re doubling fuel efficiency on our cars. Our dangerous carbon emissions have come down. But we know we have to do more - and we will do more. (Applause.)

With a global middle class consuming more energy every day, this must now be an effort of all nations, not just some. For the grim alternative affects all nations - more severe storms, more famine and floods, new waves of refugees, coastlines that vanish, oceans that rise. This is the future we must avert. This is the global threat of our time. And for the sake of future generations, our generation must move toward a global compact to confront a changing climate before it is too late. That is our job. That is our task. We have to get to work. (Applause.)

Peace with justice means meeting our moral obligations. And we have a moral obligation and a profound interest in helping lift the impoverished corners of the world. By promoting growth so we spare a child born today a lifetime of extreme poverty. By investing in agriculture, so we aren\’t just sending food, but also teaching farmers to grow food. By strengthening public health, so we\’re not just sending medicine, but training doctors and nurses who will help end the outrage of children dying from preventable diseases. Making sure that we do everything we can to realize the promise - an achievable promise - of the first AIDS-free generation. That is something that is possible if we feel a sufficient sense of urgency. (Applause.)

Our efforts have to be about more than just charity. They\’re about new models of empowering people - to build institutions; to abandon the rot of corruption; to create ties of trade, not just aid, both with the West and among the nations they\’re seeking to rise and increase their capacity. Because when they succeed, we will be more successful as well. Our fates are linked, and we cannot ignore those who are yearning not only for freedom but also prosperity.

And finally, let\’s remember that peace with justice depends on our ability to sustain both the security of our societies and the openness that defines them. Threats to freedom don\’t merely come from the outside. They can emerge from within - from our own fears, from the disengagement of our citizens.

For over a decade, America has been at war. Yet much has now changed over the five years since I last spoke here in Berlin. The Iraq war is now over. The Afghan war is coming to an end. Osama bin Laden is no more. Our efforts against al Qaeda are evolving. And given these changes, last month, I spoke about America\’s efforts against terrorism. And I drew inspiration from one of our founding fathers, James Madison, who wrote, «No nation could preserve its freedom in the midst of continual warfare.» James Madison is right - which is why, even as we remain vigilant about the threat of terrorism, we must move beyond a mindset of perpetual war.

And in America, that means redoubling our efforts to close the prison at Guantanamo. (Applause.) It means tightly controlling our use of new technologies like drones. It means balancing the pursuit of security with the protection of privacy. (Applause.)

And I\’m confident that that balance can be struck. I\’m confident of that, and I\’m confident that working with Germany, we can keep each other safe while at the same time maintaining those essential values for which we fought for.

Our current programs are bound by the rule of law, and they\’re focused on threats to our security - not the communications of ordinary persons. They help confront real dangers, and they keep people safe here in the United States and here in Europe. But we must accept the challenge that all of us in democratic governments face: to listen to the voices who disagree with us; to have an open debate about how we use our powers and how we must constrain them; and to always remember that government exists to serve the power of the individual, and not the other way around. That\’s what makes us who we are, and that\’s what makes us different from those on the other side of the wall. (Applause.)

That is how we\’ll stay true to our better history while reaching for the day of peace and justice that is to come. These are the beliefs that guide us, the values that inspire us, the principles that bind us together as free peoples who still believe the words of Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. - that «injustice anywhere is a threat to justice everywhere.» (Applause.)

And we should ask, should anyone ask if our generation has the courage to meet these tests? If anybody asks if President Kennedy\’s words ring true today, let them come to Berlin, for here they will find the people who emerged from the ruins of war to reap the blessings of peace; from the pain of division to the joy of reunification. And here, they will recall how people trapped behind a wall braved bullets, and jumped barbed wire, and dashed across minefields, and dug through tunnels, and leapt from buildings, and swam across the Spree to claim their most basic right of freedom. (Applause.)

The wall belongs to history. But we have history to make as well. And the heroes that came before us now call to us to live up to those highest ideals - to care for the young people who can\’t find a job in our own countries, and the girls who aren\’t allowed to go to school overseas; to be vigilant in safeguarding our own freedoms, but also to extend a hand to those who are reaching for freedom abroad.

This is the lesson of the ages. This is the spirit of Berlin. And the greatest tribute that we can pay to those who came before us is by carrying on their work to pursue peace and justice not only in our countries but for all mankind.

Русский

Английский

Арабский немецкий английский испанский французский иврит итальянский японский голландский польский португальский румынский русский турецкий

На основании Вашего запроса эти примеры могут содержать грубую лексику.

На основании Вашего запроса эти примеры могут содержать разговорную лексику.

Перевод "выступление Барака Обамы" на английский

Тысячи людей собрались, чтобы услышать выступление Барака Обамы о ключевых вопросах иностранной политики во время его нынешней европейской поездки.

Barack Obama deliver key foreign policy speech on his current European tour.">

Такими словами я бы выразил свои впечатления от обращения президента Обамы, - комментирует эксперт Московского Центра Карнеги Сергей Алексашенко выступление Барака Обамы 27 января 2010 г.

Lose its influence in society. Action is his slogan.">

Предложить пример

Другие результаты

Выступление президента Барака Обамы в Каирском университете было смелым, образным и своевременным.

Address of President Barack Obama"s was bold, imaginative, and timely.">

БРЮССЕЛЬ - Первые публичные выступления президента Барака Обамы за пределами Северной Америки - в Лондоне, Страсбурге, Праге и Стамбуле - привлекли к нему внимание мировой общественности.

Barack Obama"s first appearances outside North America - in London, Strasbourg, Prague, and Istanbul - galvanized world attention.">

Недавнее выступление президента США Барака Обамы на Ближнем Востоке является еще одним отображением снижения влияния США в регионе.

Barack Obama"s recent speech on the Middle East is a further display of America"s declining influence in the region.">

Комментарии со-председателя и со-основателя Мирового общественного форума «Диалог цивилизаций» Джагдиша Капура к выступлению Президента США Барака Обамы в Каирском университете 4 июня 2009 года.

Comments by the World Public Forum «Dialogue of Civilizations» co-chairman and co-founder Jagdish Kapur on the speech of the US President Barack Obama , delivered in Cairo University on June 4, 2009.

Speech of the US President Barack Obama , delivered in Cairo University on June 4, 2009.">

Вот так просто и однозначно, как передает турецкая пресса, министр иностранных дел Турции Ахмед Давудоглу предупреждает президента США Барака Обаму , предварительно подвергя "цензуре" его выступление 24 апреля. Будь я на месте Обамы , я бы обиделся на столь явный шантаж.

The authorities and "responsible" media confirm for six years that depriving the TV Company of air was not a limitation of the Freedom of speech ; it simply presented uninteresting projects in more than 10 contests for allocation a frequency.

Speech; it simply presented uninteresting projects in more than 10 contests for allocation a frequency.">

Как заявил на заседании Глобальной инициативы Клинтона 25 сентября 2012 года президент Соединенных Штатов Америки Барак Обама в своем выступлении по вопросу о торговле людьми, «это должно касаться каждого человека, поскольку подрывает наши общечеловеческие ценности.

The President of the United States of America, Barack Obama , stated, in his remarks on human trafficking at the Clinton Global Initiative on 25 September 2012, that it ought to concern every person, because it is a debasement of our common humanity.

Barack Obama, stated, in his remarks on human trafficking at the Clinton Global Initiative on 25 September 2012, that it ought to concern every person, because it is a debasement of our common humanity.">

Президент Соединенных Штатов Америки г-н Барак Обама ясно обрисовал существующую угрозу в своем выступлении в Праге в апреле 2009 года, когда он сказал: Сегодня «холодная война» ушла в прошлое, но тысячи единиц оружия тех времен остались.

The President of the United States, Mr. Barack Obama , pinpointed the current danger in his speech in April 2009 in Prague, when he said: Today, the cold war has disappeared but thousands of those weapons have not.

Barack Obama, pinpointed the current danger in his speech in April 2009 in Prague, when he said: Today, the cold war has disappeared but thousands of those weapons have not.">

Президент США Барак Обама действительно привлёк к данному вопросу внимание всего мира своим выступлением в Праге в 2009 г., убедив многих в необходимости создания мира без ядерного оружия.

Barack Obama did capture global attention with his Prague speech in 2009, which made a compelling case for a nuclear weapon-free world.">

Каковы бы ни были достоинства такого определения демократии, сохранение в силе этого закона резко контрастирует со словами, произнесенными нашим уважаемым другом и братом президентом Соединенных Штатов Бараком Обамой в его инаугурационном выступлении в Генеральной Ассамблее в ходе ее общих прений.

Whatever the merits of this definition of democracy, the continued application of the Act stands in marked contrast to the words uttered by our esteemed friend and brother President Barack Obama of the United States in his inaugural address to the General Assembly in its general debate.

Barack Obama of the United States in his inaugural address to the General Assembly in its general debate.">

Для того чтобы восстановить моральное лидерство, президент Барак Обама должен выполнить обещания, произнесенные в его ранних речах - например, в его выступлениях в Стамбуле и Каире в начале его президентства - в которых он продемонстрировал искреннее уважение к угнетенным.

In order to restore America"s moral leadership, President Barack Obama must make good on his early rhetoric - exemplified in his speeches in Istanbul and Cairo early in his presidency - which demonstrated genuine regard for the oppressed.

Barack Obama must make good on his early rhetoric - exemplified in his speeches in Istanbul and Cairo early in his presidency - which demonstrated genuine regard for the oppressed.">

Президент Соединенных Штатов Барак Обама говорил о необходимости избавления мира от ядерного оружия.

The President of the United States, Barack Obama , has spoken of the need to attain a world free of nuclear weapons.

A Just and Lasting Peace

Your Majesties, Your Royal Highnesses, distinguished members of the Norwegian Nobel Committee, citizens of America, and citizens of the world:

I receive this honor with deep gratitude and great humility. It is an award that speaks to our highest aspirations – that for all the cruelty and hardship of our world, we are not mere prisoners of fate. Our actions matter, and can bend history in the direction of justice.

And yet I would be remiss if I did not acknowledge the considerable controversy that your generous decision has generated. (Laughter.) In part, this is because I am at the beginning, and not the end, of my labors on the world stage. Compared to some of the giants of history who"ve received this prize – Schweitzer and King; Marshall and Mandela – my accomplishments are slight. And then there are the men and women around the world who have been jailed and beaten in the pursuit of justice; those who toil in humanitarian organizations to relieve suffering; the unrecognized millions whose quiet acts of courage and compassion inspire even the most hardened cynics. I cannot argue with those who find these men and women – some known, some obscure to all but those they help – to be far more deserving of this honor than I.

But perhaps the most profound issue surrounding my receipt of this prize is the fact that I am the Commander-in-Chief of the military of a nation in the midst of two wars. One of these wars is winding down. The other is a conflict that America did not seek; one in which we are joined by 42 other countries – including Norway – in an effort to defend ourselves and all nations from further attacks.

Still, we are at war, and I"m responsible for the deployment of thousands of young Americans to battle in a distant land. Some will kill, and some will be killed. And so I come here with an acute sense of the costs of armed conflict – filled with difficult questions about the relationship between war and peace, and our effort to replace one with the other.

Now these questions are not new. War, in one form or another, appeared with the first man. At the dawn of history, its morality was not questioned; it was simply a fact, like drought or disease – the manner in which tribes and then civilizations sought power and settled their differences.

And over time, as codes of law sought to control violence within groups, so did philosophers and clerics and statesmen seek to regulate the destructive power of war. The concept of a "just war" emerged, suggesting that war is justified only when certain conditions were met: if it is waged as a last resort or in self-defense; if the force used is proportional; and if, whenever possible, civilians are spared from violence.

Of course, we know that for most of history, this concept of "just war" was rarely observed. The capacity of human beings to think up new ways to kill one another proved inexhaustible, as did our capacity to exempt from mercy those who look different or pray to a different God. Wars between armies gave way to wars between nations – total wars in which the distinction between combatant and civilian became blurred. In the span of 30 years, such carnage would twice engulf this continent. And while it"s hard to conceive of a cause more just than the defeat of the Third Reich and the Axis powers, World War II was a conflict in which the total number of civilians who died exceeded the number of soldiers who perished.

In the wake of such destruction, and with the advent of the nuclear age, it became clear to victor and vanquished alike that the world needed institutions to prevent another world war. And so, a quarter century after the United States Senate rejected the League of Nations – an idea for which Woodrow Wilson received this prize – America led the world in constructing an architecture to keep the peace: a Marshall Plan and a United Nations, mechanisms to govern the waging of war, treaties to protect human rights, prevent genocide, restrict the most dangerous weapons.

In many ways, these efforts succeeded. Yes, terrible wars have been fought, and atrocities committed. But there has been no Third World War. The Cold War ended with jubilant crowds dismantling a wall. Commerce has stitched much of the world together. Billions have been lifted from poverty. The ideals of liberty and self-determination, equality and the rule of law have haltingly advanced. We are the heirs of the fortitude and foresight of generations past, and it is a legacy for which my own country is rightfully proud.

And yet, a decade into a new century, this old architecture is buckling under the weight of new threats. The world may no longer shudder at the prospect of war between two nuclear superpowers, but proliferation may increase the risk of catastrophe. Terrorism has long been a tactic, but modern technology allows a few small men with outsized rage to murder innocents on a horrific scale.

Moreover, wars between nations have increasingly given way to wars within nations. The resurgence of ethnic or sectarian conflicts; the growth of secessionist movements, insurgencies, and failed states – all these things have increasingly trapped civilians in unending chaos. In today"s wars, many more civilians are killed than soldiers; the seeds of future conflict are sown, economies are wrecked, civil societies torn asunder, refugees amassed, children scarred.

I do not bring with me today a definitive solution to the problems of war. What I do know is that meeting these challenges will require the same vision, hard work, and persistence of those men and women who acted so boldly decades ago. And it will require us to think in new ways about the notions of just war and the imperatives of a just peace.

We must begin by acknowledging the hard truth: We will not eradicate violent conflict in our lifetimes. There will be times when nations – acting individually or in concert – will find the use of force not only necessary but morally justified.

I make this statement mindful of what Martin Luther King Jr. said in this same ceremony years ago: "Violence never brings permanent peace. It solves no social problem: it merely creates new and more complicated ones." //2// As someone who stands here as a direct consequence of Dr. King"s life work, I am living testimony to the moral force of non-violence. I know there"s nothing weak – nothing passive – nothing naive – in the creed and lives of Gandhi and King.

But as a head of state sworn to protect and defend my nation, I cannot be guided by their examples alone. I face the world as it is, and cannot stand idle in the face of threats to the American people. For make no mistake: Evil does exist in the world. A non-violent movement could not have halted Hitler"s armies. Negotiations cannot convince al Qaeda"s leaders to lay down their arms. To say that force may sometimes be necessary is not a call to cynicism – it is a recognition of history; the imperfections of man and the limits of reason.

I raise this point, I begin with this point because in many countries there is a deep ambivalence about military action today, no matter what the cause. And at times, this is joined by a reflexive suspicion of America, the world"s sole military superpower.

But the world must remember that it was not simply international institutions – not just treaties and declarations – that brought stability to a post-World War II world. Whatever mistakes we have made, the plain fact is this: The United States of America has helped underwrite global security for more than six decades with the blood of our citizens and the strength of our arms. The service and sacrifice of our men and women in uniform has promoted peace and prosperity from Germany to Korea, and enabled democracy to take hold in places like the Balkans. We have borne this burden not because we seek to impose our will. We have done so out of enlightened self-interest – because we seek a better future for our children and grandchildren, and we believe that their lives will be better if others" children and grandchildren can live in freedom and prosperity.

So yes, the instruments of war do have a role to play in preserving the peace. And yet this truth must coexist with another – that no matter how justified, war promises human tragedy. The soldier"s courage and sacrifice is full of glory, expressing devotion to country, to cause, to comrades in arms. But war itself is never glorious, and we must never trumpet it as such.

So part of our challenge is reconciling these two seemingly inreconcilable truths – that war is sometimes necessary, and war at some level is an expression of human folly. Concretely, we must direct our effort to the task that President Kennedy called for long ago. "Let us focus," he said, "on a more practical, more attainable peace, based not on a sudden revolution in human nature but on a gradual evolution in human institutions." A gradual evolution of human institutions.

What might this evolution look like? What might these practical steps be?

To begin with, I believe that all nations – strong and weak alike – must adhere to standards that govern the use of force. I – like any head of state – reserve the right to act unilaterally if necessary to defend my nation. Nevertheless, I am convinced that adhering to standards, international standards, strengthens those who do, and isolates and weakens those who don"t.

The world rallied around America after the 9/11 attacks, and continues to support our efforts in Afghanistan, because of the horror of those senseless attacks and the recognized principle of self-defense. Likewise, the world recognized the need to confront Saddam Hussein when he invaded Kuwait – a consensus that sent a clear message to all about the cost of aggression.

Furthermore, America – in fact, no nation – can insist that others follow the rules of the road if we refuse to follow them ourselves. For when we don"t, our actions appear arbitrary and undercut the legitimacy of future interventions, no matter how justified.

And this becomes particularly important when the purpose of military action extends beyond self-defense or the defense of one nation against an aggressor. More and more, we all confront difficult questions about how to prevent the slaughter of civilians by their own government, or to stop a civil war whose violence and suffering can engulf an entire region.

I believe that force can be justified on humanitarian grounds, as it was in the Balkans, or in other places that have been scarred by war. Inaction tears at our conscience and can lead to more costly intervention later. That"s why all responsible nations must embrace the role that militaries with a clear mandate can play to keep the peace.

America"s commitment to global security will never waver. But in a world in which threats are more diffuse, and missions more complex, America cannot act alone. America alone cannot secure the peace. This is true in Afghanistan. This is true in failed states like Somalia, where terrorism and piracy is joined by famine and human suffering. And sadly, it will continue to be true in unstable regions for years to come.

The leaders and soldiers of NATO countries, and other friends and allies, demonstrate this truth through the capacity and courage they"ve shown in Afghanistan. But in many countries, there is a disconnect between the efforts of those who serve and the ambivalence of the broader public. I understand why war is not popular, but I also know this: The belief that peace is desirable is rarely enough to achieve it. Peace requires responsibility. Peace entails sacrifice. That"s why NATO continues to be indispensable. That"s why we must strengthen U.N. and regional peacekeeping, and not leave the task to a few countries. That"s why we honor those who return home from peacekeeping and training abroad to Oslo and Rome; to Ottawa and Sydney; to Dhaka and Kigali – we honor them not as makers of war, but of wagers – but as wagers of peace.

Let me make one final point about the use of force. Even as we make difficult decisions about going to war, we must also think clearly about how we fight it. The Nobel Committee recognized this truth in awarding its first prize for peace to Henry Dunant – the founder of the Red Cross, and a driving force behind the Geneva Conventions.

Where force is necessary, we have a moral and strategic interest in binding ourselves to certain rules of conduct. And even as we confront a vicious adversary that abides by no rules, I believe the United States of America must remain a standard bearer in the conduct of war. That is what makes us different from those whom we fight. That is a source of our strength. That is why I prohibited torture. That is why I ordered the prison at Guantanamo Bay closed. And that is why I have reaffirmed America"s commitment to abide by the Geneva Conventions. We lose ourselves when we compromise the very ideals that we fight to defend. //3// And we honor – we honor those ideals by upholding them not when it"s easy, but when it is hard.

I have spoken at some length to the question that must weigh on our minds and our hearts as we choose to wage war. But let me now turn to our effort to avoid such tragic choices, and speak of three ways that we can build a just and lasting peace.

First, in dealing with those nations that break rules and laws, I believe that we must develop alternatives to violence that are tough enough to actually change behavior – for if we want a lasting peace, then the words of the international community must mean something. Those regimes that break the rules must be held accountable. Sanctions must exact a real price. Intransigence must be met with increased pressure – and such pressure exists only when the world stands together as one.

One urgent example is the effort to prevent the spread of nuclear weapons, and to seek a world without them. In the middle of the last century, nations agreed to be bound by a treaty whose bargain is clear: All will have access to peaceful nuclear power; those without nuclear weapons will forsake them; and those with nuclear weapons will work towards disarmament. I am committed to upholding this treaty. It is a centerpiece of my foreign policy. And I"m working with President Medvedev to reduce America and Russia"s nuclear stockpiles.

But it is also incumbent upon all of us to insist that nations like Iran and North Korea do not game the system. Those who claim to respect international law cannot avert their eyes when those laws are flouted. Those who care for their own security cannot ignore the danger of an arms race in the Middle East or East Asia. Those who seek peace cannot stand idly by as nations arm themselves for nuclear war.

The same principle applies to those who violate international laws by brutalizing their own people. When there is genocide in Darfur, systematic rape in Congo, repression in Burma – there must be consequences. Yes, there will be engagement; yes, there will be diplomacy – but there must be consequences when those things fail. And the closer we stand together, the less likely we will be faced with the choice between armed intervention and complicity in oppression.

This brings me to a second point – the nature of the peace that we seek. For peace is not merely the absence of visible conflict. Only a just peace based on the inherent rights and dignity of every individual can truly be lasting.

It was this insight that drove drafters of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights after the Second World War. In the wake of devastation, they recognized that if human rights are not protected, peace is a hollow promise.

And yet too often, these words are ignored. For some countries, the failure to uphold human rights is excused by the false suggestion that these are somehow Western principles, foreign to local cultures or stages of a nation"s development. And within America, there has long been a tension between those who describe themselves as realists or idealists – a tension that suggests a stark choice between the narrow pursuit of interests or an endless campaign to impose our values around the world.

I reject these choices. I believe that peace is unstable where citizens are denied the right to speak freely or worship as they please; choose their own leaders or assemble without fear. Pent-up grievances fester, and the suppression of tribal and religious identity can lead to violence. We also know that the opposite is true. Only when Europe became free did it finally find peace. America has never fought a war against a democracy, and our closest friends are governments that protect the rights of their citizens. No matter how callously defined, neither America"s interests – nor the world"s – are served by the denial of human aspirations.

So even as we respect the unique culture and traditions of different countries, America will always be a voice for those aspirations that are universal. We will bear witness to the quiet dignity of reformers like Aung Sang Suu Kyi; to the bravery of Zimbabweans who cast their ballots in the face of beatings; to the hundreds of thousands who have marched silently through the streets of Iran. It is telling that the leaders of these governments fear the aspirations of their own people more than the power of any other nation. And it is the responsibility of all free people and free nations to make clear that these movements – these movements of hope and history – they have us on their side.

Let me also say this: The promotion of human rights cannot be about exhortation alone. At times, it must be coupled with painstaking diplomacy. I know that engagement with repressive regimes lacks the satisfying purity of indignation. But I also know that sanctions without outreach – condemnation without discussion – can carry forward only a crippling status quo. No repressive regime can move down a new path unless it has the choice of an open door.

In light of the Cultural Revolution"s horrors, Nixon"s meeting with Mao appeared inexcusable – and yet it surely helped set China on a path where millions of its citizens have been lifted from poverty and connected to open societies. Pope John Paul"s engagement with Poland created space not just for the Catholic Church, but for labor leaders like Lech Walesa. Ronald Reagan"s efforts on arms control and embrace of perestroika not only improved relations with the Soviet Union, but empowered dissidents throughout Eastern Europe. There"s no simple formula here. But we must try as best we can to balance isolation and engagement, pressure and incentives, so that human rights and dignity are advanced over time.

Third, a just peace includes not only civil and political rights – it must encompass economic security and opportunity. For true peace is not just freedom from fear, but freedom from want.

It is undoubtedly true that development rarely takes root without security; it is also true that security does not exist where human beings do not have access to enough food, or clean water, or the medicine and shelter they need to survive. It does not exist where children can"t aspire to a decent education or a job that supports a family. The absence of hope can rot a society from within.

And that"s why helping farmers feed their own people – or nations educate their children and care for the sick – is not mere charity. It"s also why the world must come together to confront climate change. There is little scientific dispute that if we do nothing, we will face more drought, more famine, more mass displacement – all of which will fuel more conflict for decades. //4// For this reason, it is not merely scientists and environmental activists who call for swift and forceful action – it"s military leaders in my own country and others who understand our common security hangs in the balance.

Agreements among nations. Strong institutions. Support for human rights. Investments in development. All these are vital ingredients in bringing about the evolution that President Kennedy spoke about. And yet, I do not believe that we will have the will, the determination, the staying power, to complete this work without something more – and that"s the continued expansion of our moral imagination; an insistence that there"s something irreducible that we all share.

As the world grows smaller, you might think it would be easier for human beings to recognize how similar we are; to understand that we"re all basically seeking the same things; that we all hope for the chance to live out our lives with some measure of happiness and fulfillment for ourselves and our families.

And yet somehow, given the dizzying pace of globalization, the cultural leveling of modernity, it perhaps comes as no surprise that people fear the loss of what they cherish in their particular identities – their race, their tribe, and perhaps most powerfully their religion. In some places, this fear has led to conflict. At times, it even feels like we"re moving backwards. We see it in the Middle East, as the conflict between Arabs and Jews seems to harden. We see it in nations that are torn asunder by tribal lines.

And most dangerously, we see it in the way that religion is used to justify the murder of innocents by those who have distorted and defiled the great religion of Islam, and who attacked my country from Afghanistan. These extremists are not the first to kill in the name of God; the cruelties of the Crusades are amply recorded. But they remind us that no Holy War can ever be a just war. For if you truly believe that you are carrying out divine will, then there is no need for restraint – no need to spare the pregnant mother, or the medic, or the Red Cross worker, or even a person of one"s own faith. Such a warped view of religion is not just incompatible with the concept of peace, but I believe it"s incompatible with the very purpose of faith – for the one rule that lies at the heart of every major religion is that we do unto others as we would have them do unto us.

Adhering to this law of love has always been the core struggle of human nature. For we are fallible. We make mistakes, and fall victim to the temptations of pride, and power, and sometimes evil. Even those of us with the best of intentions will at times fail to right the wrongs before us.

But we do not have to think that human nature is perfect for us to still believe that the human condition can be perfected. We do not have to live in an idealized world to still reach for those ideals that will make it a better place. The non-violence practiced by men like Gandhi and King may not have been practical or possible in every circumstance, but the love that they preached – their fundamental faith in human progress – that must always be the North Star that guides us on our journey.

For if we lose that faith – if we dismiss it as silly or naive; if we divorce it from the decisions that we make on issues of war and peace – then we lose what"s best about humanity. We lose our sense of possibility. We lose our moral compass.

Like generations have before us, we must reject that future. As Dr. King said at this occasion so many years ago, "I refuse to accept despair as the final response to the ambiguities of history. I refuse to accept the idea that the "isness" of man"s present condition makes him morally incapable of reaching up for the eternal "oughtness" that forever confronts him."

Let us reach for the world that ought to be – that spark of the divine that still stirs within each of our souls.

Somewhere today, in the here and now, in the world as it is, a soldier sees he"s outgunned, but stands firm to keep the peace. Somewhere today, in this world, a young protestor awaits the brutality of her government, but has the courage to march on. Somewhere today, a mother facing punishing poverty still takes the time to teach her child, scrapes together what few coins she has to send that child to school – because she believes that a cruel world still has a place for that child"s dreams.

Let us live by their example. We can acknowledge that oppression will always be with us, and still strive for justice. We can admit the intractability of depravation, and still strive for dignity. Clear-eyed, we can understand that there will be war, and still strive for peace. We can do that – for that is the story of human progress; that"s the hope of all the world; and at this moment of challenge, that must be our work here on Earth.